Either by signing into your account or linking your membership details before your order is placed. Your points will be added to your account once your order is shipped. Click on the cover image above to read some pages of this book! Urban landscapes formerly shaped by heavy industry are evolving all over the world. The associated processes enhance the evolution of a new kind of wilderness. In regions such as the German Ruhrgebiet, vast post-industrial areas have already been re-colonised naturally by forests.
These new types of urban woodlands are often overlooked by ecologists, foresters and planners. The book provides a first concise overview of ecological features and potential social functions of this new kind of urban wilderness. The general chapters provide introductions and conceptual approaches from the perspectives of ecology, environmental sociology, forestry, nature conservation and landscape architecture.
They are illustrated by a broad array of case studies from England, Germany and Japan. Some of these areas A series of articles identifies the rise of urban woodlands, public attitudes towards them, the findings of ecological studies, and how different perspectives have been integrated into policy and management strategies. Case studies Useful for urban foresters and planners. And by providing vivid images and stories, as well as thoughtful integration and insights, it is a book that should prove itself interesting to both the casual reader and the topical scholar.
They may get forest-based jobs and useful products and services from them, which may motivate them to manage forests carefully. Or, they may damage forests either due to real need for forest products or for land or because they feel alienated. Many people are so removed from forests as to be indifferent. The Asia-Pacific region offers examples of all shades of these relationships. Common considerations When deciding policies and changes to improve the relationships of people with forests, it is most relevant to consider who has rights to access and use forests, who actually uses or manages forests and for what uses , and who controls the resources Box 6.
These factors are more important than the location of people i. It goes without saying, however, that proximity over long periods often confers rights to the forests or at least may legitimise claims to them by virtue of residence. Another common consideration in assessing people's relationships with forests is the changing economic situation. In most countries of the region, it is now difficult to find a forest so remote that it is not touched by the expansion of the modern economy.
Economic growth has been so rapid that opportunities to adopt new lifestyles have come within reach of people who formerly had little option but to work the forest. The age of forest dwellers' splendid isolation is largely over. In many countries, there are now new economic opportunities - many of them outside forestry altogether. Furthermore, there has been increasing market-orientation of rural areas as they are drawn into the monetised economy. With this integration, and given that the region is rapidly industrialising, it is very likely that far fewer people will depend principally and directly on forests for subsistence livelihood in the future.
Wild Urban Woodlands
Source: Abbreviated from Byron and Arnold : cited in Fisher et al. Mobility of populations has also increased and exposed forest-based people to other lifestyles, not least by bringing migrants or transient outsiders to the forests. Mobility has introduced new mind-sets and offered choices for those who would rather not remain forest-dependent and have capacity to embrace a different lifestyle. Education has accelerated this phenomenon. Success or failure often depends on events or decisions physically far removed.
International economic and political factors do not merely impinge on the relationships between people and forests, they form a crucial part of the context in which the relationship exists. The development of a global economy and the international environmental movement are the two most important factors.
Publications - James Hitchmough - Staff Profiles - Staff - Landscape - The University of Sheffield
However, different people and interest groups have different capacities including political power and influence to capture opportunities. It is these differences in power, apart from skills and ability, that help to explain why tribal societies often fail to defend their long-held rights over forests against better-informed migrants.
The migrants tend to know better how to tap the resources of the mainstream economy and its institutions for their own benefit. Forests central to livelihoods Old and new forest dwellers How forests support forest dwellers. Old and new forest dwellers Although there are no reliable published estimates of forest-dependent peoples in the region, "guesstimates" for six countries provide indicative numbers Table 6. Table 6. In a few forest areas this is still the case, while in many other areas forest dwellers maintain livelihoods as subsistence farmers often shifting cultivators.
However, as pressure for land has grown, migrants have crowded in and the traditional indigenous forest dwellers' existence has been put into a state of flux. In the Philippines, for example, the country's forest lands are under constant pressure to be converted to other land uses. Shifting cultivation remains a big problem with the presence of some 30 percent of the country's total population within, or in the fringes of, forest areas.
The Philippines' upland population is growing at 4 percent annually and 70 percent of upland residents are migrants from the lowlands seeking forest land to farm. There is general acceptance that it is a human right for people to be able to choose to live in the manner they are accustomed to if they so wish.
The question raised by policy-makers and some analysts is whether, in fact, indigenous dwellers really have a choice or are forced to maintain their forest lifestyles for lack of alternatives and lack of the capacity to recognise and capture alternative opportunities. Supporting this view is the fact that most forest dwellers in the region are tribal communities in remote areas, often little exposed to either education or any other capacity building that would enable them to exist in any other mode.
On the other hand, it is very clear that the needs of forest dwellers are rarely given attention by national governments and little consideration is given to their claims to rights over resources, including forest resources. In the absence of some recognition of rights to forest resources and of increased education and other capacity-building, indigenous forest dwellers are highly vulnerable when migration brings new populations into forests and adjacent lands. Migration leads to or exacerbates: a conversion of forest land into farms or cash tree crop plantations; b pressure on people already living in forests to reduce fallow periods in shifting agriculture; c reduced ability to manage forests along traditional lines due to lack of control over the new arrivals; and d emergence of new, more commercially-oriented forest dependency by the immigrants.
Where there was formerly traditional ownership or management of land, migration often brings uncertainty and competition, with the new arrivals introducing their own perspectives. There are new opportunities for value addition to forests but indigenous inhabitants are ill-prepared to benefit; their traditional subsistence needs are often threatened and extreme hardships may result. At the same time, new migrants are often inexperienced in sustainably using the forest for livelihoods.
Thus they tend to aggressively clear forests for farming and so may cause much destruction of forests in settlement areas. The emergence of community forestry as a social movement, the development of networks of forest users, and increasing advocacy by NGOs reflect the increasing efforts of forest-dependent peoples to protect their interests.
This process is often encouraged by pressure from various donors and international NGOs. It is impossible to suggest a "most likely scenario" for the future of forest-dwelling people. There are some obvious trends often in competing directions. The long-term outcomes are likely to be different in various countries, depending on the outcomes of competition between the various concerned actors. There are indications that over time forest-dependent peoples may gain a much greater say in the management of forests.
If this happens, the impact on sustainable management of forests may depend on whether it is the migrant forest dwellers or the indigenous people that take the lead. How forests support forest dwellers Full subsistence dependency Livelihoods of indigenous groups revolve around hunting, gathering wood and NWFPs for direct use and marginal commerce, and swidden shifting cultivation. Currently, many governments in the region seek to "improve" the lot of forest dwellers by: a stabilising swidden cultivation; and b promoting livelihoods based on NWFPs.
Many authorities dislike shifting cultivation, but even after decades of attempts to "stabilise" it have had little success. In Laos, government policy is to end shifting cultivation by The government has programmes to formalise land tenure, improve local land-use planning, enhance productivity of crops and livestock, and provide alternatives to shifting cultivation income. Experience has shown that careless attempts to stop crop rotation the essence of shifting cultivation may exacerbate soil deterioration. Rather than preventing shifting cultivation, an alternative approach is to focus instead on long-term economic development that creates jobs outside agriculture.
NWFPs are often assumed to be capable of supporting many rural people and numerous efforts are underway to promote NWFP-based income-generation. There is little evidence to support this assumption. While NWFPs are important, their potential contribution to livelihoods should not be exaggerated and forest dwellers should not be encouraged to base their livelihoods on commodities that are marginal to mainstream commerce. In particular, NWFP development efforts should not lead to forest dwellers missing out on alternative or complementary economic opportunities within and outside forestry.
Further, and perhaps more importantly, focus on NWFPs should not be allowed to distract attention away from the need for forest-dwelling people to benefit from some of the income from commercial timber harvesting and processing. Whether this benefit is arranged through payment of royalties to them in partial or full recognition of traditional rights, through positive discrimination in employment by new enterprises, or through other policy measures, is a decision for society to make in each situation.
Commercial opportunities Some indigenous people and many migrants-turned-forest-dwellers seek opportunities that are commercial or monetised in nature. The logging industry offers one such opportunity. For example, in Laos a trial programme in Joint Forest Management includes a scheme giving local people the right to share the benefits of commercial logging. In Indonesia, the government introduced a community development programme in under which forest concessionaires are "to assist in improving the standard of living of forest-dwelling communities. Unfortunately, because logging can be a major source of state revenue and political power, it is often a flashpoint for conflict among indigenous local people, political leaders and commercial interests.
Among other problems, logging can reduce availability of forest products including NWFPs or local people's access to them and can lead to increased competition for resources and economic opportunities with migrant populations. Migrants who follow the logging industry already have skills wanted by the industry and this blocks skill-transfer to local inhabitants.
Migrants also occupy and settle on land partially cleared by logging, thus displacing indigenous people. In worst case situations, indigenous dwellers have been forcibly removed 61 or forced to accept compensation in exchange for reduced access to forest products. Forest dwellers, forest conservation and forest management capacities Many countries are moving away from trying to achieve conservation goals solely through strictly protected areas surrounded by areas of largely unregulated land use. Even in countries where population pressure is light, efforts to extend protected areas under the old "preservation" approach will usually face problems from indigenous and migrant forest dwellers as well as from settlers outside but near the forests.
In areas where strict preservation is essential, the outer reaches of the areas will increasingly have to be managed as "buffer zones" to allow some development or utilisation. In the long term, economic development, especially in East and Southeast Asia, may help achieve forest conservation. This could arise for several reasons: a wealthier people can afford to attach higher values to environmental conservation; b economic development can reduce the pressure to clear or degrade forests and protected areas, as people move to better urban jobs as observed, for example, in the Republic of Korea, Malaysia and southeastern China ; and c prosperity may bring the ability as well as the desire to channel resources into conservation of biological diversity.
In the meantime, the question arises as to whether forest dwellers can manage forests well. There are sharply contrasting views. One school of thought stresses the possession by indigenous people of long-held traditional knowledge and institutions that enable them to use forests responsibly. In this view, it is lack of meaningful control over resources that limits effective management by local people, not the absence of knowledge or local institutions.
Another viewpoint is that conditions have changed so much that traditional knowledge and practices have by now lost relevance or efficacy. The latter school frequently portrays forest-dependent people especially shifting cultivators as destroyers of forests. Official policies in many countries of the region tend to lean to this view and laws generally mandate the exclusion of people from protected forests.
Advocates of forest-dweller interests, however, increasingly ask why local people must suffer hardship to make room for protected areas that often seem to be of primary interest to distant national or international constituencies Box 6. In Thailand, large numbers of forest-dependent people, usually members of ethnic minority "hill tribes," have been moved out of protected areas into buffer zones or live within protected areas under greatly restricted access to forest products. A Community Forestry Bill has been drafted to address these restrictions. The bill would grant management rights to people living in protected areas.
It is, however, strongly opposed by some environmental groups concerned that the hill tribes will mismanage the watersheds crucial to the water supply of Bangkok and other cities. Other environmental groups support the initiative and regard the hill tribes as highly capable of responsible forest management. The issue has achieved great political importance and major protests have occurred to press for enactment of the Community Forestry Bill. Indeed, there are cases where hill tribes were forcibly relocated into areas that were subsequently declared to be protected areas.
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Additional note in square brackets added from Fisher Personal communication. Indigenous and migrant forest dwellers differ in forest management capacities. The former tend to have interest in forests and traditional knowledge and institutions for management. Migrants generally have neither, and are often most interested in the land for farming. For the latter, probably the main approach to promoting sustainable forest management would be to support forest-based income opportunities, thus offering a justification for forest management. Forests as a complementary basis for livelihood Collaborative approaches to forest management Growing trees outside the forest.
Forest dwellers, even if recent migrants are included, are far fewer in number than the people who live outside but near forests.
Indeed, most rural people, except in highly deforested countries such as Bangladesh and Pakistan, live close enough to interact with forests in a number of ways. Many continue to collect fuelwood and other forest products. Agriculture often depends on forests for water and forest products such as manure and fodder.
To Multiply or Subdivide: Futures of a Modern Urban Woodland
Where forest resources are inadequate, many rural people take up tree planting. It is from these situations that much of the initial thrust toward collaborative forest management emerged. Recently, the scope of collaborative management initiatives has expanded to include management of well-endowed natural forests. Collaborative approaches to forest management In the late s and early s, there emerged a perception that the limited input by people living in and near forests over how forest resources were used was a major barrier to the effective management of such forests.
This led to the development of programmes and policies known generically as "collaborative forest management. Local communities are given rights to collect and harvest certain forest products for domestic use, and increasingly also for sale. In drier areas e. Rajasthan and Gujarat in India, Pakistan, Mongolia, western China , the possibility of grazing livestock in government forests is also a powerful attraction to local communities wishing to conclude joint forest management agreements.
In some cases, communities are promised a share of the proceeds from future harvests of forests that regenerate as a result of protection provided by local people. In Nepal, for example, the government hands over forests to forest-user groups FUGs.
Negotiated management agreements include provision for managed utilisation of forest products, including grass, fodder, fuelwood and NWFPs. Recently, there have been moves to initiate FUG-managed sawmills and the harvesting of timber from community forests, although these proposals are reportedly meeting resistance from within the Forest Department Box 6.
Collaborative management in most countries is still in the early stages of development. Only 2 to 3 percent of India's public forest estate is estimated to be under community protection recognised by forest departments. A recent study suggests that this could increase to 25 percent by if forest departments and NGOs expand capacities to negotiate, demarcate, and register forest-dependent communities. In collaborative management, forest tenure is widely regarded as a key factor in increasing effective local control over forest resources and in motivating communities to invest resources, effort and commitment into managing forests.
Tenure does not necessarily have to convey outright ownership but can take a variety of forms that legitimise access and guarantee user rights. Tenurial arrangements can range from full local control to limited and specified access. Boxes 6. The political source book of New Orleans Is fraternal and dead page and birthday during the information.
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